Manual African American Perspectives on Political Science

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The organization did move closer to orthodoxy over its history, and many of its members made what seemed like a big leap to full orthodoxy in a short period of time after the death of Elijah Muhammad. He states: In a few years, [Wallace Muhammad] convinced thousands of African Americans to change the way that they thought about and practiced aspects of Islam. In so doing, it must be recognized, he was working with persons who already thought of themselves as Muslims.

One male member detailed his Nation of Islam activities: Mondays: 7 to 11 P. On Tuesday nights, I am at the Unity Party. Wednesdays, I attend the regular Temple meeting. Thursdays, I am on M. Friday nights are regular meeting nights. Sunday afternoon is regular meeting. They argued that too many black men were emasculated, impure, and lazy, and blamed white supremacy and blacks themselves for the sad state of the black body, and by extension, the black race.

In appropriating racist images of the black body, some NOI members also caricatured black women as deviant, promiscuous, and neglectful caretakers of black children. One of the strengths of Black Muslim Religion is that Curtis allows many members of the Nation of Islam to speak for themselves. We hear how they conformed to the high demands of the organization and what it meant to them. We also learn how they circumvented or rejected outright some of the rules. At times Curtis may be a bit too eager to read activities as having religious meaning, and Black Muslim Religion lacks some of the critical edge of other works, but on the whole this is a very valuable addition to the scholarship on the Nation of Islam.

Algernon Austin Thora Institute Note 1. Kay Deaux analyses these complex factors and the interactions between them. As a social psychologist, she aims to fill a gap in the study of immigration that lies between social scientific analyses of large-scale movements, on the one hand, and individual level, ethnographic and first-person accounts, on the other.

Race and Class in Political Science | Jennifer L. Hochschild

The book is organized around a model that divides immigration analysis into three levels. The macro-level includes a focus on immigration policies and demographic patterns.

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The micro-level encompasses individuals and their attitudes, values, expectations, and memories. In between these two is the meso-level where social interaction occurs and where the links between and influences of social structures and individuals are mediated. By focusing on this middle ground, the lived experience of immigrants, Deaux hopes to foreground the agency that immigrants possess while also emphasizing the role of context in shaping differential immigration outcomes.

Contrary to earlier and bleaker treatments of immigration that portrayed immigrants in an impossible struggle to adapt to hostile circumstances and suffering high stress associated with the demands of acculturation, Deaux conveys a more positive dynamic.

Race and Class in Political Science

Receiving societies are now more diverse, social networks among immigrants are better established and options for collective action are more plentiful. Nevertheless, they do so within varied structural and societal opportunities and constraints. The chapters are organized to expound upon different dimensions of the analytical model Deaux presents. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 discuss the role of national immigration policies, demographic patterns and prevailing attitudes towards immigrants, including stereotypes. Chapters 5 and 6 address the ways, in light of the contexts articulated in previous chapters, immigrants negotiate ethnic, racial, national and transnational identities.

Here, Deaux focuses on three basic questions: what does the immigrant bring to the situation?

What does the immigrant encounter and what does the immigrant do? These two chapters offer the most in the way of original analysis and bring the insights of social psychology most fully to bear. In Chapter 2, which focuses on the role of broad social structural factors, the Canadian case serves as a counterpoint to the US and an illustration of how different policies, representations and demographics shape particular immigration landscapes.

Specifically, the cultural mosaic metaphor in Canada has given rise to a different opportunity structure than has the melting pot imperative in the US. Chapter 7, the final substantive chapter, utilizes the case of West Indian immigrants in the US to pull together the analytical insights of the book and apply in concrete terms the model presented in the introduction. This is an ambitious text that accomplishes much, but not all, of what it sets out to do.

Deaux aims to carve out a new analytical approach to immigration that combines insights from highly varied bodies of scholarship on immigration, identity and social psychology. Much of what is presented is summary of existing literature, and the text is populated with speculative statements about questions that might be asked, data that could be brought to bear, relationships that should be explored and theory that might be developed.

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  6. In this respect, some readers will be left wishing for more than a directory. The discussion is set, furthermore, within the current national social structures, cultural and policy practices. By looking at the minorities of Muslim heritage as well as the rising visibility of those originating from sub-Saharan Africa, Alec Hargreaves exposes the prejudices and misconceptions that minorities face. His claims, robustly substantiated by empirical work, show that: contrary to frequent assertions that immigrant minorities cannot be successfully integrated into French society because they are supposedly unwilling to adapt to its cultural norms, evidence shows that the principal barriers come from socio-economic disadvantage and racial and ethnic discrimination by members of the majority ethnic population.

    The social and political neglect, spanning the last thirty years or so, is identified and scrutinized as the analysis unfolds. Composed of five chapters, the book starts with an overview of the problematic where definitions of key terms are outlined in the context of historical survey of immigration in France. Chapter 2 concentrates on socio-economic structures such as employment and housing and describes how certain groups of people, especially those of immigrant origin from former colonies i.

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    Chapter 3 presents a clear account of the ways in which immigrants and their descendants are culturally distinct from the majority population in France. For Alec Hargreaves, the biggest difficulty in integration has come not from the cultural heritage of immigrants and their descendants but from the obstacles placed in their way as examined in Chapter 4. The final chapter, on the one hand, looks more closely at the political involvement and attitudes towards the key issue of immigration in French party politics and, on the other hand, examines how this has been translated into significant changes in the area of public policy.

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    A glossary and a chronology are also included. Many recent texts have explored the differences among Civil Rights organizations that were active in the United States through the s to the s. Following this reformulation, the unit covers in detail the tripartite quandary of SNCC recruiting: 1 fear of white reprisal, 2 broken promises of the US Justice Department to protect SNCC, and 3 the stigma of non-violence as effective for desegregating lunch counters but fruitless for voter registration.

    Still, these chapters conclude that disparate members were connected through their affection and commitment to an idealized form of freedom and human rights. His intent is not to castigate, but to point out that the success of SNCC was immersed in the anti-climatic, daily grind of local organizing that resulted in the enfranchisement of thousands, if not millions, of African Americans. There is a significant drawback to the text.

    While I personally do not find this a fault, I do find problematic the lack of explanation for his posture that necessarily gestures towards larger epistemological debates in historical analysis. In this sense, Hogan does not spell out why it is prudent, even morally necessary, to destabilize the trend of treating historical data as if they are value free and unchanging. Hogan appears to seek neither an objective historical truth nor an ungrounded pluralism of equally valid, socially constructed historical narratives, but a reconstruction of SNCC around contemporary problems of activism.

    As a result, we are left with a picture of an organization that brought sharecroppers, students and the silenced of society together to navigate a politics of radical imagination through a clash of personality conflicts, national and local government repression, and a cacophony of philosophical orientations that was often muddled but when coherent, was luminous. Matthew W. Hughey University of Virginia Judson L. Jeffries ed. This informative edited collection attempts to provide a broad and yet nuanced account of the Black Power movement that moves beyond focusing on the iconic images of the guns, sharp dress and potent rhetoric of the Black Panthers.

    For the most part the text succeeds in its aim by portraying in its eleven chapters a range of well-known and little-known organizations and the varying methods and ideologies encapsulated under the umbrella of Black Power. In his introduction Jeffries outlines how Black Power emerges from a long tradition of black struggle and protest in the US. He distinguishes it from the Civil Rights movement by arguing that it was not just confined to the South, was varied ideologically and more fluid in its approach.

    While arguing that most Black Power organizations rejected non-violence and integration, the editor does not define the parameters of the Black Power movement, and, as mentioned in some of the subsequent chapters, there was significant overlap between some organizations described in the volume as being Black Power focused and Civil Rights organizations. Nelson, in his excellent chapter on the Defenders of Tuscaloosa Alabama, outlines how this tightly organized and secret organization, under the charismatic leadership of William Smith, defended African Americans against Klu Klux Klan aggression.

    On the issue of Black Power and Black Consciousness, however, Smith was not an advocate, which begs the question: were the Defenders a Black Power organization or not? They argue that the narrow depictions of Karenga as a sexist, cultural nationalist has meant that his contributions to black studies and black culture more generally have been overlooked. Ahmad reveals how the reading of radical black writers, the inspiration of Malcolm X and disillusionment with the Civil Rights movement led a group of students and other emerging worker activists in Philadelphia to form a revolutionary movement whose aim was to destroy US capitalism.

    RAM also referred to their group as Bandung people, consciously aligning themselves with the wider Afro-Asian solidarity movements of the period.

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    The influence of international black radicalism on Black Power activists is an intriguing and important theme that emerges through the text. These tantalizing encounters, although described, are not examined theoretically for their contribution to black political formation in the US or to pan-African politics more broadly. Although a number of the authors, including Jeffries in his chapter on the Black Panthers and in the conclusion, mention that many of the organizations associated with the Black Power movement were sexist, a notable omission from the text is a systematic contribution on the role and treatment of women in the movement.

    Overall, although at times the reader has to do a lot of mining, the text does provide a rich seam of information and insight that will assist the development of critical studies on this important movement. This work predicts ethnic conflict by implementing a game-theoretic interest group approach within a novel but parsimonious three-actor framework.

    The three actors consist of an ethnic minority group, the majority-dominated regime of the state in which it resides and an external lobby state whose own majority shares ethnicity with the minority group. The predictive hypotheses, drawn from arguments about the relative benefits of radicalism vs. The rows and columns correspond to the political positions of the external lobby actor supportive or non- supportive of the minority and the majority regime repressive vs. The minority will make radical demands if and only if the lobby state is supportive; otherwise it will accommodate to the majority.

    This model is tested on a number of twentieth-century case studies drawn from Middle Europe and the Balkans.