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The author shows why enthusiasts should be cautious in their efforts to transfer PB to other contexts. This book will appeal to a broad audience of scholars and practitioners. Most of the scholarly literature has focused on the successful case of Porto Alegre and has neglected to analyze how it fared elsewhere. In this first rigorous comparative study of the phenomenon, Brian Wampler draws evidence from eight municipalities in Brazil to show the varying degrees of success and failure PB has experienced.

He identifies why some PB programs have done better than The Pennsylvania State University Press Contestation, Cooperation, and Accountability ISBN University Park, Pennsylvania others in achieving the twin goals of ensuring governmental accountability and empowering citizenship rights for www. Includes bibliographical references and index. Municipal budgets—Brazil.

Municipal government—Brazil. Political participation—Brazil. W35 The work could not have been completed without the strong support of friends, family, research institutions, and funding agencies. The warmth and inviting arms of many Brazilians made working on this project a memorable and enjoyable experience. These presentations allowed me to test out my ideas on informed and engaged audiences. Two graduate research assistants, Fernanda Teles and Edi Augusto, did an excellent job of collecting, organizing, and analyzing data on Participatory Budgeting programs.

Gustavo Venturi provided extensive feedback on the Wrst several drafts of the survey. In Belo Horizonte, Leonardo Avritzer provided intellectual stimulation through the sharing of ideas and data. His graduate assistant, Lillian Gomes, provided invaluable aid. In Recife, Feranda Costa, Joanildo Burity, Neide Silva, and Marcus Melo were of enormous support during my six-month stay in to and my return visits in and In Porto Alegre, Sergio Baierle of Cidade welcomed me with open arms, providing a rich sounding board for my ideas.

Finally, in Campinas, while I was in residence at the State University of Campinas Universidade Estadual de Campinas, or unicamp as a visiting scholar, Evelina Dagnino and Leila Ferreira provided logistical support to make my year enjoyable and proWtable. Of all the endeavors I experienced during my Wrst year in Brazil, my participation in this group was by far the most important and had the largest impact on my understanding of Brazilian politics. Carla Almedia, Ana Claudia Teixeira, and Maria do Carmo Albuquerque were especially important in making my yearlong stay in Campinas enjoyable and productive.

Sonia E. Alvarez opened many social, academic, research, and academic doors for me, beginning from my time as her undergraduate student.

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I am grateful for the strong support that she has provided me over the years. I want to thank several institutions for the generous support that enabled the growth and development of this research project. Each grant provided me the time and resources to increase my knowledge about Brazilian society and politics. At Boise State University, my department chairs, Les Alm and Ross Burkhart, gave me the necessary Xexibility to be away from the political science department for an academic year as well as the resources to write the book.

I appreciate the support of these organizations and their dedicated personnel. Susan Parris of the nsf was especially helpful during the —4 year. This material is based upon work supported by the nsf under Grant No. Any opinions, Wndings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reXect the views of the nsf.

Various sections of this book, preliminary conference papers, or research proposals were read and commented on by Les Alm, Sonia E. My thanks go to these individuals who provided valuable and thoughtful feedback. This book was also greatly improved through the encouraging feedback of two reviewers. Each made thoughtful suggestions that made the book much better.

Participatory Budgeting In Brazil Contestation Cooperation And Accountability

Sandy Thatcher, director of Penn State Press, has been a constant source of support since I Wrst brought the book project to him. I greatly appreciate the help Sandy provided. Lisa Burns and Audra Green made valuable and timely contributions to this book, as research assistants while they were undergraduates at Boise State University. Terrina Vail and Romaine Perin did an excellent job copyediting the book during its Wnal stages. Sections of the Wrst chapter previously appeared in an article I published in Latin American Politics and Society 4 I also want to thank the wonderful family in Maine that I was fortunate to marry into: Phil and Nancy, Patrick, Antonia, Pam, Pat, and Phil were supportive during the research and writing phases of the project.

Friends Driscoll, Tim, Andrea, Mike, and Armando pretended to listen intently while I talked about the project and were, thankfully, able to easily distract me from this narrow focus. My deepest thanks must be extended to Paula, who was willing to quit her job and move to Brazil for a year to allow me to conduct this research project.

Her patience, good humor, and willingness to listen to me work out the argument were instrumental in allowing me to Wnish.

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Sebastian was born three weeks after we returned from Brazil, and Ginger was born just as the book was being completed. Their arrivals enriched our lives and made the book more enjoyable to write. We can become part of the city. Instead of working together, we are in competition against other poor neighborhoods. Citizens use newly won political rights to secure new social rights, thereby improving their communities and lives.

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Participatory institutions adopted in developing-world countries over the past two decades have often been designed to incorporate low-income and politically marginalized individuals who live in poor and underserviced neighborhoods. Although there has been a proliferation of participatory institutions in the developing world over the past twenty years, we continue to lack a systematic and comparative accounting of how citizens use these institutions. We also do not understand the full range of political and policy outcomes that have been produced. Genro a, b; Avritzer ; Santos Because pb operates at the center of key political and policy debates, it has the potential to transform how the state functions and how citizens interact with the state.

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This type of transformation can help to deepen democracy, promote pluralism, and lay the foundations for social justice. And yet pb programs can also produce weak outcomes that will not transform basic decision-making processes or allow citizens to be directly involved in policy making. It is possible that poorly performing pb programs will have a negative impact on citizens and csos, which should temper calls for the widespread adoption of participatory institutions as a magic bullet that will transform the lives of poor citizens in poor and industrializing nations.

The scope of authority exercised by citizens in pb is central to this book for theoretical, policy, and empirical reasons. On the broadest theoretical level, participatory institutions such as pb do have the capability of transforming basic democratic practices. How and by whom authority is exercised is central to empirical debates on democratization, which is why it is vital that we establish by whom, when, and where decisions are being made namely, the legislative branch, 3. We must verify the scope of decisions that citizens are able to make.

From a research perspective, we need to establish—or disavow—that citizens can and do make signiWcant types of decisions within pb. Under the most favorable conditions, mayors delegate substantial authority to citizens through pb, which means that citizens are able to exercise a new set of political rights and begin the process of holding governments accountable. When pb programs are especially weak, there is the potential to increase cynicism about democracy and participation, rather than to help deepen democracy.

In these cases, it is not clear that pb has contributed in a positive fashion to either deepening democracy or improving policy outcomes. To account for the substantial variation in outcomes, there are both institutional and civil society explanations.

First, what explains why mayors would be willing to delegate authority to citizens? Mayors, after all, have a broad mandate to govern on behalf of their constituents, so it is not clear why mayors would want to give up the authority they won through an election. Are they responding to their political bases? Are they interested in drumming up support for elections? Are they driven by ideological concerns?

Or are they inXuenced by party politics? Mayors are willing 4. I will further detail this argument later in this chapter. An additional institutional explanation to account for the substantial variation in pb outcomes is based on how pb programs structure the distribution of authority. Do the rules fragment neighborhoods and csos? The civil society explanation, which also helps to account for the substantial variations in pb outcomes, is that citizens and csos are choosing a variety of strategies for how they will use this new authority.

What explains why some csos are willing to engage in cooperative and contentious forms of politics?

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And what explains why some prefer cooperation to the exclusion of contestation? In some cases, csos employ both contentious and cooperative political strategies, while in others, they are more likely to employ only cooperation, which is more likely to lead to co-optation. Fedozzi ; Abers ; Fedozzi In almost every category I used in analyzing pb, Porto Alegre stands above other cases. This has not only obvious theoretical implications, but also important political and policy ones, because the Porto Alegre—inspired model of pb has been implemented in more than forty countries.

Fedozzi ; Abers ; Avritzer ; Goldfrank Ribeiro and de Grazia ; Wampler and Avritzer ; Teixeira Navarro ; Nylen ; Wampler b; Baiocchi Abers ; Baiocchi ; Santos ; Guidry ; Fedozzi I used the annual Plano de Investimentos, published by the municipal government, to show which pb projects are entered into the annual budget as the basis for analysis. Cabannes, n. The successful programs delegate real authority to citizens and implement a range of public policies selected by pb participants. These experiences demonstrate that it is vital not to universally condemn participatory institutions when they do not work as well as the Porto Alegre experience, but rather to recognize that outcomes may have contradictory elements.

I developed the tools to evaluate pb outcomes over a ten-year period while studying Brazilian municipal and participatory institutions and living in Brazil for three of those ten years. My predissertation work one year was supported by the ssrc, my doctoral research was supported by the nsep David Boren Fellowship program, and my postdoctoral research was supported by the U.

National Science Foundation int Formal interviews are listed in the Appendix, in cases in which the individual being interviewed gave his or her both first and last name.

Re-Inventing Democracy Through Participatory Budgeting